Overextension in Gottscheerisch (negative) imperatives: proclisis at the edge of the first phase
Abstract Gottscheerisch, a Southern Bavarian heritage grammar from Kočevje (Gottschee) in southern Slovenia, has existed in steady contact with Slovene for centuries, with arguably only negligible effects on its syntax with respect to the linear ordering of elements. An exception to this statement can be found in Gottscheerisch imperatives—in particular, negative imperatives—where this German-based dialect patterns with Slovene. Following Aboh (in The emergence of hybrid grammars: Language contact and change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), we propose that this contact-induced ch... Mehr ...
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Dokumenttyp: | Artikel |
Reihe/Periodikum: | The journal of comparative Germanic linguistics |
Sprache: | Englisch |
Anmerkungen: | © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature B.V. 2021 |
ISSN: | 1383-4924 |
Weitere Identifikatoren: | doi: 10.1007/s10828-021-09126-4 |
Permalink: | https://search.fid-benelux.de/Record/olc-benelux-2126037231 |
URL: | NULL NULL |
Datenquelle: | Online Contents Benelux; Originalkatalog |
Powered By: | Verbundzentrale des GBV (VZG) |
Link(s) : | https://doi.org/10.1007/s10828-021-09126-4
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10828-021-09126-4 |
Abstract Gottscheerisch, a Southern Bavarian heritage grammar from Kočevje (Gottschee) in southern Slovenia, has existed in steady contact with Slovene for centuries, with arguably only negligible effects on its syntax with respect to the linear ordering of elements. An exception to this statement can be found in Gottscheerisch imperatives—in particular, negative imperatives—where this German-based dialect patterns with Slovene. Following Aboh (in The emergence of hybrid grammars: Language contact and change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), we propose that this contact-induced change is simultaneously a case of pattern and feature transmission that can be captured in a straightforward and conceptually appealing manner. Adopting a late-insertion derivational approach to morphosyntax, we show how separable prefixes (p-elements) exhibit clitic climbing-like behavior to the edge of the first (vP) phase. Finally, we sketch out an analysis of the overextension of Slovene-like (negative) imperatives in Gottscheerisch in connection with the complex nature of V2.