Abstract This study investigates if and how pre- and post-focal givenness affects the insertion of Intonation Phrase (henceforth, ι) boundaries in sentences with an embedded object clause in German. This is particularly interesting because sentence-internal clause edges were found to induce prosodic structure (by ι-boundary insertion) whereas focus and givenness were found to prevent prosodic structure (by destressing or dephrasing). Thus, these aspects might constitute opposing forces in the formation of ι-structure. A production experiment was conducted which tested ι-boundary insertion in sentences with an object clause in final position under different focus conditions. The results revealed the following patterns: first, speakers variably insert an ι-boundary in all-new sentences (without a narrow focus); second, narrow focus and givenness prevent the insertion of an ι-boundary if the focused constituent precedes the sentence-internal clause edge; and, third, narrow focus and givenness reduce the frequency of ι-boundary insertion if the focused constituent follows the sentence-internal clause edge, but do not prevent it altogether (where the unfocused material is discourse-given). In order to account for these findings, a model in the framework of Optimality Theory is proposed. This model accounts for variable ι-boundary insertion by means of an ordered global tie of Match constraints and captures the effects of focus and givenness by means of constraints that enforce the strengthening of stress positions (Stress-Focus, Rightmost) and a constraint militating against nuclear stress on given material (*Stress-Given).