How variational acquisition drives syntactic change

Abstract Although language acquisition is frequently invoked as a cause of syntactic change, there has been relatively little work applying a formal model of acquisition to an actual case of language change and testing its predictions empirically. Here we test the model of Yang (Language Variation and Change 12: 231–250, 2000) on the historical case of the loss of verb movement to Tense (V-to-T) in Faroese and Mainland Scandinavian, using quantitative data from a number of corpora. We show that the model straightforwardly predicts the historical data, given minimal and uncontroversial assumpti... Mehr ...

Verfasser: Heycock, Caroline
Dokumenttyp: Artikel
Reihe/Periodikum: The journal of comparative Germanic linguistics
Sprache: Englisch
Anmerkungen: © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013
ISSN: 1383-4924
Weitere Identifikatoren: doi: 10.1007/s10828-013-9056-0
Permalink: https://search.fid-benelux.de/Record/olc-benelux-2042972215
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Datenquelle: Online Contents Benelux; Originalkatalog
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Link(s) : https://doi.org/10.1007/s10828-013-9056-0
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10828-013-9056-0

Abstract Although language acquisition is frequently invoked as a cause of syntactic change, there has been relatively little work applying a formal model of acquisition to an actual case of language change and testing its predictions empirically. Here we test the model of Yang (Language Variation and Change 12: 231–250, 2000) on the historical case of the loss of verb movement to Tense (V-to-T) in Faroese and Mainland Scandinavian, using quantitative data from a number of corpora. We show that the model straightforwardly predicts the historical data, given minimal and uncontroversial assumptions about Scandinavian syntax. In contrast to a number of previous attempts to explain this repeated pattern of change, it is not necessary to appeal to any bias against learning structures involving V-to-T—a welcome result, given current evidence from acquisition. The newer V-in-situ parameter setting overcomes the original V-to-T grammar because it is more learnable in a language that also has embedded verb-second (EV2). Finally, we argue that the course of the diachronic change is evidence against a strong version of the “Rich Agreement Hypothesis” (RAH), but that under this account the stability of V-to-T in Icelandic provides evidence for the weaker version (cf. Bobaljik, Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 6: 129–167, 2002).