Metrical grouping and cliticisation in Middle Dutch: Evidence from verse

The syntax-phonology mapping is rarely isomorphic. In Germanic, there is a strong tendency for weak (function) words to encliticise rather than to procliticise. Synchronic and diachronic evidence of encliticisation is available from a number of West and North Germanic languages (cf. Lahiri & Plank 2010). Our goal was to examine metrical grouping in Middle Dutch iambic and trochaic verse, in conjunction with orthographic contractions. Two of our texts, Mellibeus and Saladijn, are from Ms Marshall 29 (around 1375), the is Lutgart (around 1300). We asked, to what extent are orthographic contr... Mehr ...

Verfasser: Lahiri, A
Sytsema, J
Dokumenttyp: Journal article
Erscheinungsdatum: 2018
Verlag/Hrsg.: Wiley
Sprache: unknown
Permalink: https://search.fid-benelux.de/Record/base-29020471
Datenquelle: BASE; Originalkatalog
Powered By: BASE
Link(s) : https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-968X.12124

The syntax-phonology mapping is rarely isomorphic. In Germanic, there is a strong tendency for weak (function) words to encliticise rather than to procliticise. Synchronic and diachronic evidence of encliticisation is available from a number of West and North Germanic languages (cf. Lahiri & Plank 2010). Our goal was to examine metrical grouping in Middle Dutch iambic and trochaic verse, in conjunction with orthographic contractions. Two of our texts, Mellibeus and Saladijn, are from Ms Marshall 29 (around 1375), the is Lutgart (around 1300). We asked, to what extent are orthographic contractions isomorphic with cliticisation, and how do they interact with metrical grouping? Furthermore, a close examination of the metre showed, that when properly scanned orthographic sequences of function words need not represent regular cliticisation patterns. First, words can be broken up in prosodic grouping and this holds also for orthographic contractions of function and/or lexical words (alsic < als ic) or (laetti < laet ghi). Second, contractions may not reflect cliticisation. They can be split across feet and the second element can be head of a foot; e.g. dade ic > dadic where ic can head the trochaic foot. Finally, we find that encliticisation is preferred to procliticisation in verse.