This paper investigates coordination in Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT). We offer an account for a typologically unusual coordination pattern found in this language. We show that the conjuncts of a coordinated structure in NGT may violate a constraint governing coordinated structures in spoken languages, which we refer to as the ‘Parallel Structure Constraint’. The violation consists in asymmetric fronting in the second conjunct of a coordinated structure. We argue that a violation of the Parallel Structure Constraint is acceptable in NGT in order to express a contrast across the conjuncts. Hence asymmetric reordering in the second conjunct is a strategy that allows signers to obtain the desired strength of marking when in situ marking is insufficient.