Effects of obstruent voicing on vowel fundamental frequency in Dutch
It has been known for a long time and a wide variety of languages that vowel fundamental frequency (F0) following voiceless obstruents tends to be significantly higher than F0 following voiced obstruents. There has been a long-standing debate about the cause of this phenomenon. Some evidence in previous work is more compatible with an articulatory account of this effect, while others support the auditory enhancement account. This paper investigates these consonant-related F0 perturbations in Dutch after initial fricatives (/v, f/) and stops (/b, p/), as compared to after the nasal /m/. Dutch i... Mehr ...
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Dokumenttyp: | Artikel |
Erscheinungsdatum: | 2023 |
Schlagwörter: | Arts and Humanities (miscellaneous) / Acoustics and Ultrasonics |
Sprache: | Englisch |
Permalink: | https://search.fid-benelux.de/Record/base-27457559 |
Datenquelle: | BASE; Originalkatalog |
Powered By: | BASE |
Link(s) : | https://dspace.library.uu.nl/handle/1874/434384 |
It has been known for a long time and a wide variety of languages that vowel fundamental frequency (F0) following voiceless obstruents tends to be significantly higher than F0 following voiced obstruents. There has been a long-standing debate about the cause of this phenomenon. Some evidence in previous work is more compatible with an articulatory account of this effect, while others support the auditory enhancement account. This paper investigates these consonant-related F0 perturbations in Dutch after initial fricatives (/v, f/) and stops (/b, p/), as compared to after the nasal /m/. Dutch is particularly interesting because it is a “true voicing” language, and because fricatives are currently undergoing a process of devoicing. Results show that F0 was raised after voiceless, but largely unaffected after voiced obstruents. Fricative voicing in /v/ and F0 level tend to covary: the less voicing in /v/, the higher F0 at onset. There was no trace of an active gesture to explicitly lower pitch after highly devoiced fricatives, as would be predicted by an auditory account. In conclusion, F0 perturbations after Dutch obstruents and their covariation patterns are taken as additional evidence to support an articulatory cause of consonant-related F0 effects.