Two Dutch many ’s and the structure of pseudo-partitives

This article discusses the syntax and semantics of Dutch pseudo-partitive constructions with measure nouns, such as 'drie liter water' ‘three liters of water’. The major empirical puzzle is the distribution of two Dutch instances of 'many'/'much': 'veel' and 'vele'. Unlike earlier proposals, I analyze 'veel' as a gradable adjective, and 'vele' as a numeral. It turns out that in pseudo-partitives with pure measure readings, only 'vele' can freely occur ('veel liters water' only allows a marked “liter-bottle” reading). This is puzzling, because 'veel' is otherwise allowed both with mass and coun... Mehr ...

Verfasser: Eddy G. Ruys
Dokumenttyp: Artikel
Erscheinungsdatum: 2017
Reihe/Periodikum: Glossa, Vol 2, Iss 1 (2017)
Verlag/Hrsg.: Open Library of Humanities
Schlagwörter: pseudo-partitive / many / scalarity / measure nouns / Language. Linguistic theory. Comparative grammar / P101-410
Sprache: Englisch
Permalink: https://search.fid-benelux.de/Record/base-27017189
Datenquelle: BASE; Originalkatalog
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Link(s) : https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.276

This article discusses the syntax and semantics of Dutch pseudo-partitive constructions with measure nouns, such as 'drie liter water' ‘three liters of water’. The major empirical puzzle is the distribution of two Dutch instances of 'many'/'much': 'veel' and 'vele'. Unlike earlier proposals, I analyze 'veel' as a gradable adjective, and 'vele' as a numeral. It turns out that in pseudo-partitives with pure measure readings, only 'vele' can freely occur ('veel liters water' only allows a marked “liter-bottle” reading). This is puzzling, because 'veel' is otherwise allowed both with mass and count terms, and both in the singular and in the plural. I adopt the more-or-less standard right-branching syntax for Dutch pseudo-partitives (providing some new arguments for its correctness), and propose a semantics for measure nouns which, in combination with Ionin & Matushansky’s semantics for cardinals, correctly characterizes these constructions and explains where pure measure readings occur. I then show that my analysis correctly derives the behavior of 'veel' and 'vele' in these constructions, given their characterization as a gradable adjective and a numeral. This article is part of the Special Collection: Partitives