What Belgium Can Teach Bosnia: The Uses of Autonomy in 'Divided House' States

Belgium and Bosnia can be understood as 'divided house' states, which contain proportionally similar groups with opposing views regarding whether the states should be more unitary or more decentralized. The Belgian example demonstrates that even where groups disagree on state structure, a mixture of various forms of group autonomy may facilitate stability and compromise within the state. Belgium addresses this dilemma in two ways: 1) non-territorial autonomous unites in the form of linguistic communities and 2) exclusive competencies for different units within the diverse Belgian state. this a... Mehr ...

Verfasser: Sherrill Stroschein
Dokumenttyp: Artikel
Erscheinungsdatum: 2003
Reihe/Periodikum: Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, Vol 4, Iss 3, Pp 1-32 (2003)
Verlag/Hrsg.: European Centre for Minority Issues
Schlagwörter: Belgium / Bosnia / Bosnia-Herzegovina / autonomy arrangements / proposal / Social Sciences / H
Sprache: Englisch
Permalink: https://search.fid-benelux.de/Record/base-27004153
Datenquelle: BASE; Originalkatalog
Powered By: BASE
Link(s) : https://doaj.org/article/85e5e59376cd45769564cdc3a242ad5f

Belgium and Bosnia can be understood as 'divided house' states, which contain proportionally similar groups with opposing views regarding whether the states should be more unitary or more decentralized. The Belgian example demonstrates that even where groups disagree on state structure, a mixture of various forms of group autonomy may facilitate stability and compromise within the state. Belgium addresses this dilemma in two ways: 1) non-territorial autonomous unites in the form of linguistic communities and 2) exclusive competencies for different units within the diverse Belgian state. this article argues that in Bosnia the rights of minorities in different territorial units, as well as refugee returns to areas where they are minorities, might be improved by structures with non-territorial autonomy that are similar to Belgian linguistic communities. Similar to Belgium, these non-territorial units might hold exclusive competencies for educational, linguistic, cultural, and religious matters, and enable more political representation of minority individuals. The author concludes by proposing that analysts should more carefully examine actual examples from states with similarly divided populations in order to advocate working models for Bosnia.