Dutch preposition stranding and ellipsis: ‘Merchant’s Wrinkle’ ironed out
Abstract This paper provides an explanation for the unexpected ban on preposition stranding by wh -R-pronouns under sluicing in Dutch. After showing that previous prosodic and syntactic explanations are untenable, we propose that the observed ban is a by-product of an EPP condition that applies in the PP domain in Dutch. Our analysis revolves around the idea that ellipsis bleeds EPP-driven movement, an idea that already has empirical support from independent patterns of ellipsis found in English and in other structural domains in Dutch. Our claim is that: (1) R-pronominalization involves a pro... Mehr ...
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Dokumenttyp: | Artikel |
Erscheinungsdatum: | 2021 |
Reihe/Periodikum: | The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics ; volume 24, issue 3, page 269-318 ; ISSN 1383-4924 1572-8552 |
Verlag/Hrsg.: |
Springer Science and Business Media LLC
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Schlagwörter: | Linguistics and Language / Arts and Humanities (miscellaneous) |
Sprache: | Englisch |
Permalink: | https://search.fid-benelux.de/Record/base-26678588 |
Datenquelle: | BASE; Originalkatalog |
Powered By: | BASE |
Link(s) : | http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10828-021-09129-1 |
Abstract This paper provides an explanation for the unexpected ban on preposition stranding by wh -R-pronouns under sluicing in Dutch. After showing that previous prosodic and syntactic explanations are untenable, we propose that the observed ban is a by-product of an EPP condition that applies in the PP domain in Dutch. Our analysis revolves around the idea that ellipsis bleeds EPP-driven movement, an idea that already has empirical support from independent patterns of ellipsis found in English and in other structural domains in Dutch. Our claim is that: (1) R-pronominalization involves a pronominal argument of P moving to the periphery of its extended PP domain (PlaceP) in order to satisfy a PP-internal EPP condition, (2) this EPP-driven movement is bled under sluicing, and (3) because SpecPlaceP is the ‘escape hatch’ through which R-pronouns must move in order to exit the PP domain to form preposition stranding configurations, bleeding the EPP-driven movement of R-pronouns to SpecPlaceP therefore precludes R-pronouns from undergoing the wh- movement required to form a sluicing configuration.