Debonding of Dutch intensifying prefixoids: a multiple source account Kristel Van Goethem, Muriel Norde F.R.S.-FNRS & Université catholique de Louvain; Humboldt University, Berlin Objectives In this study, we will investigate how Dutch affixes and affixoids develop autonomous uses through debonding, i.e. "a composite change whereby a bound morpheme in a specific linguistic context becomes a free morpheme" (Norde 2009: 186). Debonding is one of the three subtypes of degrammaticalization distinguished by Norde (2009) and is therefore characterized as a gradual and construction-internal process. More specifically, debonding typically involves severance (i.e. decrease in bondedness), flexibilization (i.e. increase in syntactic freedom), scope expansion and possibly recategorialization and resemanticization. The focus of our study will be on Dutch intensifying prefixoids (e.g. een topjaar 'a top year', een reuzehonger 'a giant appetite', reuzeaardig ‘lit. giant nice; very nice’, keigezellig ‘lit. boulder cosy; very cosy’) which develop adjectival and/or adverbial uses by debonding. Hypothesis Debonding applies to clitics, inflectional and derivational affixes (Norde 2009: 186-227). As has been shown in many studies (among others the ones collected in Dressler et al. (Eds) 2005 and Scalise & Vogel (Eds) 2010), there is however no strict demarcation between compounding and derivation. Dutch explicitly manifests this gradience by a productive system of so-called affixoids: i.e. "morphemes which look like parts of compounds, and do occur as lexemes, but have a specific and more restricted meaning when used as part of a compound" (Booij 2009: 208). Affixoids are not true affixes, because they still have lexical counterparts (cf. reuzeblij 'lit. giant-happy; very happy' vs de reus Goliath 'Goliath the giant'), but they undergo semantic specialization when used as bound forms and then mostly develop a more abstract meaning, for instance intensification, in which case they are comparable to intensifying affixes (cf. ...