Debonding of Dutch intensifying prefixoids: a multiple source account In this study, I will investigate how Dutch prefixoids (with a nominal origin) develop adjectival and/or adverbial uses through debonding, i.e. "a composite change whereby a bound morpheme in a specific linguistic context becomes a free morpheme" (Norde 2009: 186). The process typically involves severance (i.e. decrease in bondedness), flexibilization (i.e. increase in syntactic freedom), scope expansion and possibly recategorialization and resemanticization. Debonding applies to clitics, inflectional and derivational affixes (Norde 2009: 186-227), but since affixoids, morphemes that express a specific meaning when embedded in a compound pattern (Booij 2009: 208), still have a lexical counterpart from which they derive and generally express a less bleached meaning than derivational and inflectional morphemes, it could be hypothesized that they will be more subject to debonding. However, as shown by Van Goethem & De Smet (2012), other factors such as the strong degree of prosodical and morphological cohesion of Dutch compounds may counteract debonding in Dutch. My study will demonstrate that debonding of Dutch prefixoids may be triggered and/or favored by different factors. First, the intensifying meaning of Dutch prefixoids plays an important role in their reanalysis as intensifying adjectives and/or adverbs. As Booij correctly observes, "[T]he meaning of intensification that is connected to these nouns is a type of meaning expressed prototypically by adjectives [and adverbs] , and hence the categorial reinterpretation of these nouns as adjectives in this context is a natural development" (Booij 2010: 61) (the inserted italics are mine). Second, the form a many Dutch prefixoids, ending in -e (as nominal ending or linking morpheme in the compound pattern) (e.g. bere 'lit. bear; great, very', rete 'lit. ass; very', reuze 'lit. giant; great, very', klasse 'lit. class; classy', pokke 'smallpox; awful, very') may contribute to a reanalysis as a ...